5 March 2008

ANWAR GOOD ONLY AT TALKING: PM

The Sun

Opalyn Mok, Husna Yusop and Regina William

KEPALA BATAS (March 4, 2008): Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi publicly lashed out at Parti Keadilan Rakyat de facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and the Opposition today.

“He (Anwar) is good at talking, but when it comes to work, it is another matter. When he was the education minister, what did he do?” Abdullah asked, when launching an "i-Pintar" educational programme here.

“He is only good at making empty promises. When we do our work to fulfil our promises, he criticised us,” said Abdullah who went on to list in detail, as a example, how the salary tiers of teachers have improved compared to the time when Anwar was education minister.

“It is not that I want to point fingers at them (the Opposition) but I just want to tell the truth to the people so that they are not cheated by the Opposition which is making empty promises,” he added.

Later at a press conference, when asked why he had singled out Anwar at this time when all this while Anwar had no qualms criticising him (Abdullah) publicly, Abdullah said he will say something whenever appropriate.

“What I said about him is the truth,” said Abdullah, adding that he concurred with Gerakan adviser Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik’s statement that "Anwar is like a chameleon."

“That is true. He does change like a chameleon. Lim knows him well,” he said.

He also agreed with a statement by former PKR deputy president Prof Dr Chandra Muzaffar that if Anwar were to become prime minister, it would be an unmitigated disaster.

“This is possible based on what he usually does. What he said about Anwar is true,” he said.

Abdullah, who also quoted the widely circulated phrase of ‘sejak Pak Lah, semua harga naik,’ (since Pak Lah, prices of everything increase) hit out at the Opposition for offering impractical and impossible promises to reduce prices of things.

“They promise to reduce this and reduce that. At that rate the whole country will go bankrupt because of them!” he said.

Refering to the Opposition’s manifesto promising RM6,000 to each family, Abdullah said they obviously had not thought of where they would get that kind of money to be given out.

“Where are they going to get the money to give out? Have they thought about the consequences of doing this? Have they thought of inflation and its impact on the economy? They do not think and all they want to do is just to please the people for the short term,” he said.

“Look at Kelantan. They have governed it for the past 18 years and what have they done? Nothing. Instead, they owe the federal government RM1 billion and Kelantanese, men and women, are all moving out to work elsewhere,” he said.

On the Opposition’s strategy using racial issue in their campaign, Abdullah said as the elections draw nearer, the Opposition resorts to desperate means.

“This is what we call, ‘saying one thing, but doing another’. They keep saying they want to fight for justice for all but when it comes to elections, they become desperate.

“So they are using the racial issue to scare certain races, just to fish for votes. This is how they campaign. They use such tactics to get the support of certain racial groups,” he added.

The Umno chief said his party will not interfere with Gerakan's choice of candidates for the next Penang chief minister.

“We have never had the tradition to interfere. If we have any view, we will present it to the leadership involved and discuss the matter.”

"It is the same with any issue, we discuss with all involved. If there is any problem with our party, as part of the Barisan Nasional coalition, we will consult (one another) with the purpose of solving the problem."

Abdullah said the candidates chosen for the post are all experienced and strong leaders from the BN. "The BN has presented a combination of young and old team to the public,” he said.

“When the time is right, it will then be decided who among the three candidates will become the next chief minister,” he added.

The three candidates named are Pulau Tikus incumbent Datuk Dr Teng Hock Nan, 62, Machang Bubuk candidate Datuk Lee Kah Choon, 47, and Padang Kota incumbent Teng Chang Yeow, 44.

On the progress of BN’s election campaign, Abdullah said it is moving along smoothly although more needed to be done.

KE MANA MASA DEPAN HUBUNGAN PAS-PKR?

Utusan Online

Pendapat
SECARA kebetulan, kempen pilihan raya negara kita tahun ini bertembung dengan kempen pemilihan calon parti untuk kerusi Presiden Amerika Syarikat.

Kenyataan-kenyataan calon Demokrat, Senator Barrack Husein Obama semakin mendedahkan kebencian rakyat Amerika Syarikat (AS) terhadap Presiden mereka sekarang, George W. Bush khususnya berkenaan perang terhadap Iraq.

Sekiranya pembaca mengikuti perjalanan panjang perang itu, mereka akan bertemu dengan istilah Neo Conservative (Neo Con) yang menjadi perancang utama perang merebut rizab minyak di Timur Tengah.

Neo Con adalah gabungan dua kumpulan pelobi utama yang berjaya meletakkan Bush di tempat beliau berada sekarang.

Istilah itu sendiri merujuk kepada singkatan kumpulan Konservatif Baru yang didukung oleh Bush daripada kumpulan Kristian Ortodoks.

Namun sebagaimana pandangan umum, kumpulan pelobi utama kepresidenan di AS, kelompok Yahudi tidak mementingkan perjuangan mazhab mana yang perlu mereka sokong.

Yang penting adalah kumpulan yang mereka sokong perlu menang dan Presiden yang dilantik akan berterusan menjadi alat menjayakan cita-cita zionisme mereka.

Pakar utama di sebalik keghairahan kumpulan Neo Con iaitu Paul Wolfowitz, yang merupakan sahabat baik kepada bekas Timbalan Perdana Menteri Malaysia.

Mantan Timbalan Perdana Menteri kita sangat berbangga dengan persahabatan beliau dengan tokoh Neo Con ini. Beliau telah menyokong Paul Wolfowitz untuk jawatannya suatu ketika dahulu, Presiden Bank Dunia.

Setakat ini mungkin kelihatan agak jelas kepada fikiran kita tentang pertalian persahabatan dan sokongan seseorang yang dianggap mewakili’ tokoh Islam moderat di Asia’ telah meletakkan Wolfowitz di tempatnya sekarang.

Kaitannya bahawa penyokong utamanya berada di Malaysia dan sedang menjalankan segala aktiviti politik bagi menjayakan agenda Neo Con di negara ini.

Penyokong utama Neo Con kini bergabung dengan sebuah parti Islam konservatif, Pas untuk menentang sebuah parti pakatan nasionalis yang memerintah Malaysia hari ini.

Pas yang kehilangan arah selepas Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-11 telah membuat beberapa perhitungan yang tergesa-gesa dan membuta-tuli apabila mengambil penyokong kuat Neo Con sebagai idola politik terbaru mereka.

Hasilnya, beberapa kumpulan dalam Pas mula menyatakan rasa tidak senang mereka dengan keputusan pucuk pimpinan. Hal ini boleh dilihat daripada beberapa kritikan pedas oleh beberapa bahagian parti itu dalam muktamar mereka di Kelantan suatu ketika dahulu.

Sekalipun silap, Pas nampaknya tiada pilihan. Mereka tidak lagi mempunyai seorang pun tokoh yang dikira dapat menjadi penggerak untuk menyaingi kewibawaan Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Perdana Menteri hari ini.

Dalam pencarian mereka untuk mencari seorang tokoh yang mewakili pemikiran agama segar, tidak konservatif sebagaimana Presiden mereka, Abdul Hadi Awang. Pas nampaknya tersasar dan amat terdesak dalam mencari haluan masa depan parti itu.

Pas telah menggadai seluruh perjuangan mereka ‘membela’ Islam, sebagaimana yang didakwa selama ini hanya kerana kegagalan mencari seorang tokoh berpengaruh.

Mereka sanggup mengambil tokoh penyokong utama Neo Con dalam usaha menggilap semula imej parti yang dikatakan tidak mesra rakyat, ala Taliban, konservatif dan dipimpin oleh pasukan yang tidak pandai memerintah.

Kepada sebuah parti kecil lain, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), mereka terkapai-kapai dalam memberi jawapan kepada persoalan sokongan penasihat utama parti mereka, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim kepada Paul Wolwowitz. Nampaknya penggabungan Parti Sosialis Rakyat Malaysia (kemudian bertukar menjadi Parti Rakyat Malaysia - PRM) menghadapi halangan ideologi yang sangat besar.

PRM yang baru sahaja menyelesaikan krisis perpecahan setelah keputusan menggabungkan diri ke dalam PKR telah berkorban sekali lagi dengan keputusan Anwar menyokong Wolfowitz.

Hasilnya, Timbalan Presiden PKR, Dr. Syed Husin Ali telah mengeluarkan kenyataan bahawa pandangan Anwar merupakan pandangan peribadi dan berasingan daripada pandangan PKR terhadap isu pelantikan Wolfowitz tersebut.

Kini, Pas nampaknya menuju jalan penamat ‘perjuangan Islam’ mereka. Kalangan radikal dalam Pas semakin keliru mempersoalkan hubungan yang pelik antara parti mereka dengan PKR.

Seorang ahli muda parti tersebut mengingatkan pemimpin mereka supaya sentiasa berhati-hati dengan pergerakan Anwar.

Mereka melahirkan kebimbangan sekiranya dengan sokongan terhadap Anwar, akan membawa kepada kesimpulan bahawa Pas turut sama bersekongkol dan terjerumus dengan Yahudi yang menyebabkan penderitaan umat Islam di Asia Barat.

– UMAR ZAIN

SIGNS IN JAWI: TAKE A LOOK AT THE OLD DOCUMENTS













NST Online » Letters
2008/03/05

By : FATHIMA IDRIS, Penang


I CANNOT understand why N.M.C. of Kuala Lumpur is so excited over having road signs in Jawi ("Clearly a waste of time, money" -- NST, Feb 26).

I do not know about Kuala Lumpur but here in Penang, when I was young, road signs used to be in English and Jawi.

The last of these that I had come across was in Western Gardens in white background with black lettering, and not the green and white ones we have now.

Recently, this sign was removed and with it, the last vestige of the past.

In fact, last year, a number of green Jawi signs have also been replaced with signs in Malay and English (in smaller lettering).
I suppose this is for tourists on the heritage trail. This then raises the question of why some things in our past are considered heritage and others not. Why is the destruction of the Bok House a loss and not the dropping of Jawi in road signs?

N.M.C. asks "And of what use is Jawi?"

It may not be of any use to him/her, but for those who care about the past of this country, Jawi is important.

Before the Malay language was romanised, it was written in Jawi. If one were to go through old title deeds in Kedah, one would find them written in Jawi. I believe this would be the same in other Malay states. Old Muslim marriage certificates were also written in Jawi.

Official documents were in Jawi, such as correspondence between the colonialists and sultans, which would now be inaccessible to anyone who does not know Jawi.

It happened to a relative of mine. He was going through old documents in Terengganu for his doctorate but being illiterate in Jawi, his mother and aunt had to help him translate it into romanised Malay.

Is it right then to loosen our hold on Jawi?

2 March 2008

JANGAN CUBA POLITIKKAN KHUTBAH JUMAAT

Banyak kawan-kawan yang ahli khariah dari beberapa mesjid di Selangor dan beberapa negeri lain ada memanggil saya. Mereka mengadu bahawa semasa sembahyang Jumaat yang lalu (29hb Februari 2008) terdapat setengah khatib mesjid yang tidak membacakan khutbah yang disediakan oleh Jabatatan Agama Negeri masing-masing. Sebaliknya mereka telah membacakan khutbah yang mereka sediakan sendiri yang sangat mirip kepada manifesto sebuah parti Islam. Di mesjid khariah saya sendiri perkara ini berlaku. Khatib ini bukanlah khatib resmi mesjid tersebut. Dan isi khutbahnya banyak persamaan dengan isi manifesto parti tersebut.

Kawan-kawan saya berkata tidak cukupkah parti tersebut bercakap pasal manifesto mereka dalam ceramah-ceramah politik yang dibenarkan oleh pihak polis sehingga hari mengundi pada 7hb Mac 2008 yang akan datang ini?

Ahli khariah sesebuah mesjid terdiri dari berbagai parti politik. Sekiranya khutbah yang dibacakan oleh seorang khatib berbau manifesto sebuah parti tentunya ahli-ahli khariah tersebut tidak akan merasa selesa dan akan berpecah belah. Biarlah Mesjid jadi tempat beribadat.

Biarlah apa yang hendak disampaikan oleh sebuah parti politik menggunakan landasan ceramah politik parti tersebut yang dibenarkan oleh undang-undang negara.

Kawan-kawan saya menyuruh saya menimbulkan perkara ini dalam blog saya dan juga berharap pihak Jabatan Agama Negeri-negeri supaya mempastikan semua Nadzir Mesjid mengarahkan khatib mereka membaca teks khutbah yang telah disediakan oleh Jabatan Agama Negeri pada sembahyang Jumaat 7hb Mac ini.

Mana-mana mesjid yang ingkar dalam hal ini, tindakan tegas haruslah diambil keatas Nadzir yang didapati lalai dalam menjalankankan tugas mereka.

HAK MELAYU TERJAMIN--JANGAN BERASA KURANG SELAMAT - PM


TANDA SOKONGAN...Abdullah Ahmad Badawi bersalaman dengan orang ramai pada Majlis Perjumpaan Bersama Rakyat yang dihadiri ribuan penduduk di Taman Awam Batu Burok, Kuala Terengganu, semalam. – Gambar FAUZI BAHARUDIN.


PRAI 1 Mac – Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi memberi jaminan hak dan kepentingan orang Melayu akan terus dipelihara walaupun kerajaan membantu kaum-kaum lain.

Oleh itu, tegas Perdana Menteri, orang Melayu jangan berasa kurang selamat hanya kerana bantuan-bantuan yang diberikan kepada bukan bumiputera.

“Kalau kita membantu mereka (kaum lain) ia dilaksanakan atas asas-asas bahawa setelah dipertimbangkan ada kewajaran untuk membantu. Namun ini tidak bermakna ia mengurangkan apa juga bantuan yang dinikmati oleh bumiputera dan kita tidak berhajat berbuat demikian,’’ katanya.

Abdullah berkata demikian dalam wawancara khas dengan Mingguan Malaysia sempena Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-12, di sini.

Perdana Menteri menegaskan, kerajaan tidak pernah mengurangkan apa juga bantuan yang dinikmati oleh bumiputera kerana harus membantu kaum lain.

“Janganlah berasa kurang selamat... sebenarnya dalam negara ini pembangunan yang dibawa oleh kerajaan adalah seimbang dengan tuntutan kaum yang ada,’’ katanya.

Pada hari ini, jelas Perdana Menteri, kaum bumiputera sudah maju dalam pelbagai bidang sama ada pada peringkat pelajaran atau dalam sektor swasta.

“Persaingan tetap ada dan kita harus membina keyakinan orang Melayu supaya sanggup bersaing,’’ katanya.

Abdullah berkata, orang Melayu mesti sanggup berbuat demikian kerana kerajaan sentiasa berusaha meningkatkan keupayaan mereka.

Mengenai pilihan raya, beliau yang juga Pengerusi Barisan Nasional (BN) menyifatkan cakap-cakap kononnya orang Melayu tidak menyokong parti itu dilakukan oleh parti pembangkang.

“Mereka sebenarnya hendak timbulkan keraguan... mereka mahu menangguk di air keruh... itu cara mereka. Oleh itu rakyat perlu bersikap objektif... jangan emosional... fikirlah habis-habis... pembangkang kerja mereka mahu menghasut sahaja,’’ tegasnya.

1 March 2008

SUSPICION LINGERS - THE WEST LACKS ENTHUSIASM FOR ARAB SOVEREIGN-WEALTH FUNDS

28 February 2008
From the Economist Intelligence Unit ViewsWire

Rumours that the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA) may be thinking of buying a stake in Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) pushed up the share price of the Edinburgh-based bank by 5% on the London Stock Exchange on February 25th, reflecting the intense interest accompanying any move or potential move by Gulf Arab sovereign wealth funds (SWF). QIA had already attracted notice earlier in the month with its acquisition of 1-2% of Credit Suisse, as part of a purported drive to build up a US$15bn portfolio of Western bank assets (a deal that was somewhat tarnished by the Swiss bank's subsequent disclosure of a hefty US$2.8bn loss arising from trading errors).

If indeed QIA is actively pursuing a stake in RBS, the choice of target should come as no great surprise given the pivotal role that the bank played in financing Qatar's emergence as the largest exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG) in the world. However, much of the comment about this and similar deals has been laced with suspicion about the buyer's intentions. SWFs are accused of being opaque as regards financial reporting and investment strategy, and of pursuing political as well as commercial ends.

Barroso's beef

Shortly after the Credit Suisse deal, the European Commission (EC) approved proposals for SWFs to be requested to adopt a voluntary code of conduct requiring certain standards of corporate governance and disclosure. The EC president Jose Manuel Barroso has been open about the political dimension. “We cannot allow non-European funds to be used as an implement of geopolitical strategy,” he said on February 24th.

The IMF, for its part, has emphasised the risks to the global economy of increased financial flows through “black boxes”, as the Fund's chief economist, Simon Johnson.

The irony is that banks in both Europe and the US have not just welcomed but actively solicited investment from the likes of the Kuwait Investment Authority (KIA), which participated to the tune of US$5bn in January’s capital-raising exercise by Citgroup and Merrill Lynch, and the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA)—the world’s biggest SWF with assets estimated at some US$800bn—which injected US$7.5bn into Citi in November. And in straitened times, politicians too have encouraged such moves by the funds that, buoyed in the Gulf Arab case by record oil revenues, have the ready cash currently so lacking during the Western credit crunch.

Buyer's market

For the SWFs, meanwhile, the investments represent an opportunity to build holdings in an industry regarded as having good long-term growth potential, at a time when shares are relatively cheap and political concerns necessarily relatively muted. Charles Schumer, an influential New York senator, epitomises the changed attitude. Mr Schumer was one of the most vocal critics, on national security grounds, of the takeover by DP World, a firm owned by the Dubai government, of five US ports through the acquisition of UK-based P&O in late 2006. However, he welcomed ADIA’s Citi investment as vital to the maintenance of New York’s role as a global financial centre.

Mr Schumer returned to form during the January round of capital-raising, expressing unease about large swathes of the US financial services industry passing into foreign hands, while President Bush himself promised a full examination of the national security implications of Borse Dubai’s acquisition of a 20% stake in the US’s Nasdaq exchange. This formed part of a complex deal for the Dubai institution to sell-on OMX, the Stockholm-based operator of the Nordic exchange to the Americans, assuming Borse Dubai’s bid for the Swedish firm was successful. The Swedish authorities were themselves suspicious when in August Borse Dubai trumped Nasdaq’s May offer for OMX—the finance minister, Mats Odell, admitted as much in a late-February interview—although subsequently their concerns have shifted to the possible “Americanisation” of OMX and consequent imposition of onerous post-Enron disclosure rules.

Passive to active

The obvious question aroused by such international hand-wringing, posed plaintively by the older SWFs, is “Why now?” Kuwait first established a fund to invest surplus oil revenues and thereby diversify the economy in 1953, while ADIA was established two decades later. In addition, both have typically been conservative portfolio investors: the US banking buys were an exception, but even in that case the stakes taken were small and acquired without corresponding executive power. An answer can be found in the burgeoning size of SWFs, stemming in the Gulf from high oil prices and in southern Asia from the sustained export boom, and in the more aggressive strategies of newer players like QIA, a range of Dubai government-affiliated vehicles such as Istithmar and Dubai International Capital (DIC), and Abu Dhabi’s Mubadala Development Company. The latter players have moved from portfolio investment to purchasing strategic stakes in or acquiring outright target companies, and are not prepared to assume the passive role of their forerunners.

However, the gathering storm of objections in the West – sometimes quite blatantly born of suspicion of the Arab world – to investment by Gulf Arab SWFs is prompting both the older and younger funds to rebalance holdings geographically, primarily towards the booming economies of southern Asia. In mid-February, DIC announced plans to plough some US$5bn into China, India and Japan over the next three years, while the chief executive officer of Istithmar, David Jackson, said a month earlier that “countries such as China, where we recently opened an office, are very welcoming to sovereign wealth funds, so more are looking to invest there”. Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim al-Thani, Qatar’s prime minister and the CEO of QIA, stated late last year that the fund was aiming to raise Asian investments to 40% of the total, while among the veterans, the KIA's chief, Bader al-Sa’ad, has also spoken frequently about the intention to increase proportionally exposure to Asia.

This does not mean that the SWFs are about to shun investment in their traditional hunting grounds in Europe and the US—as QIA's recent moves demonstrate. Moreover, Gulf investors, both government and private, admit that they will need time to understand the inner workings of the principal Asian markets. However, Western governments and regulatory authorities will need to weigh carefully their concerns about the impact of the SWFs against the risks of forfeiting the benefits that their infusions of capital can bring.

ZIKIR TAMBAT NURUL WAHYUNI KERK SHIAU PHIN PELUK ISLAM


NURUL Wahyuni Kerk Shiau Phin (tengah) sewaktu menghadiri majlis Tilawah Al-Quran peringkat kebangsaan 2005 di Universiti Malaysia Terengganu.


Alunan zikir memuji keagungan Ilahi dan kebesaran junjungan Nabi Muhammad s.a.w menjadi tarikan bagi Kerk Shiau Phin untuk memilih Islam sebagai pegangan hidupnya.

Menurutnya, jiwa dan hatinya akan menjadi tenang tatkala mendengar alunan zikir, selawat dan lagu-lagu nasyid. Keunikan Islam inilah yang membuatkannya bertekad untuk menjadi penganut agama Islam yang sejati.

“Amalan-amalan yang terdapat dalam ajaran Islam seperti puasa dan solat membuatkan saya tertarik untuk mengetahui Islam dengan lebih mendalam,” kata Shiau Phin atau nama Islamnya Nurul Wahyuni Kerk Shiau Phin.

Menurut penuntut tahun tiga Sarjana Muda Kaunseling di Universiti Malaysia Terengganu (UMT) ini, sepanjang penghijrahannya sebagai Muslim lima tahun lalu, pelbagai ujian terpaksa dilalui untuk bergelar muslim sejati.

“Setiap ujian yang datang itu adalah daripada Allah dan saya menerima setiap ujian itu sebagai tanda kasih sayang Allah kepada hamba-Nya.

“Sepanjang tempoh lima tahun ini, saya cukup mengerti maksud ayat dalam surah al-Ra’d ayat 11 yang bermaksud, Allah tidak akan mengubah nasib seseorang hamba-Nya melainkan dengan usaha hamba itu sendiri.

“Percayalah bahawa Allah akan mengurniakan kepada kita nikmat yang kita tak sangka-sangka setelah kita berjaya mengharungi setiap pahit getir dari-Nya,” katanya yang memeluk Islam ketika berusia 18 tahun.

Tambah Wahyuni lagi, dia sentiasa mengingati dirinya bahawa hidup di dunia ini hanya bersifat sementara dan di sinilah tempat untuk mencari dan mengumpul bekalan menuju akhirat yang kekal abadi.

Menurut anak kelahiran Muar ini, pelbagai cabaran yang perlu diharungi sepanjang bergelar saudara baru.

“Bapa saya merupakan penganut agama Buddha yang kuat. Jadi apabila saya menukar agama, dan saya juga seperti saudara baru yang lain di mana saya tak lari daripada menghadapi tentangan daripada keluarga.

Lebih yakin dan tabah

“Saya dipinggirkan oleh ahli keluarga pada permulaannya tetapi berkat doa pada-Nya yang tidak kenal erti putus asa, akhirnya kini mereka mula boleh menerima sedikit demi sedikit tentang hakikat saya menjadi muslimah,” katanya.

Menurutnya lagi, pelbagai masalah yang perlu dihadapi seperti kewangan, kekangan masa untuk mendalami ilmu agama dan penerimaan rakan-rakan sebangsa sepanjang lima tahun ini.

“Dengan sokongan sahabat-sahabat, pensyarah-pensyarah menjadikan saya lebih yakin dan tabah untuk menghadapi segala cabaran hidup selepas bergelar muslimah,” katanya.

Beliau memeluk Islam pada Disember 2003 ketika menuntut di Kolej Matrikulasi Pahang (KMPh).

Pengalaman pahit yang tidak dapat dilupakan oleh gadis ini adalah dihina oleh seseorang pegawai agama apabila dia ingin memohon bantuan zakat.

Menurutnya, pegawai tersebut bukan sahaja menyindir dia masuk Islam kerana kahwin semata-mata malah turut bertanya adakah dia layak untuk menerima zakat.

Katanya, peristiwa tersebut tidak mematahkan semangat saya tetapi ia membuatkan saya terfikir bahawa Allah s.w.t maha mengetahui apa yang dilakukan hamba-Nya. Dan setiap amalan di dunia ini akan dihitung di akhirat.

“Walaupun saya sedih dan kecewa dengan layanan pegawai agama itu kepada saya, namun saya menganggap tindakan pegawai itu sebagai ujian Allah kepada saya kerana Allah mahu menguji kesabaran saya dalam menghadapi dugaan daripada-Nya.

“Sebagai seorang Muslim, kita harus menjaga imej Islam kerana orang bukan Islam tidak mampu menjatuhkan imej Islam melainkan orang Islam itu sendiri,” ujarnya.

Menurut Wahyuni, ajaran Islam tidak boleh disamakan dengan ajaran matematik.

“Contohnya dalam pengiraan matematik kita tahu bahawa 3-2 =1. Tetapi dalam ajaran Islam 3-2 = 0 kerana Islam itu menyeluruh. Ia merangkumi keseluruhan hidup kita di dunia ini,” jelasnya.

Sebagai seorang Muslim sejati, kata Wahyuni, kita mesti berpegang teguh pada Al-Quran dan sunah agar mencapai kejayaan yang cemerlang bukan sahaja di dunia dan di akhirat.

Lantaran itu, Wahyuni mengajak seluruh umat Islam agar sentiasa bermuhasabah diri dan berharap agar kita semua hidup dengan berpegang teguh pada ajaran Islam yang sebenar.

“Ini supaya kita tidak menyesal di hari kemudian,” katanya lagi.

29 February 2008

RESTORE IMAGE OF JUDICIARY-CHIEF JUSTICE


Chief Justice Datuk Abdul Hamid Mohamad
Chief Justice Datuk Abdul Hamid Mohamad

PUTRAJAYA-NST Online: Chief Justice Datuk Abdul Hamid Mohamad yesterday urged members of the judiciary to help correct the people's negative perception of the judiciary.

He said the burden to rebuild and restore public confidence in the judiciary, which was at its lowest in the history of the country since independence, rested with every member of the judiciary, right from judges to file searchers.

"Every misconduct of any member of the judiciary will tarnish its image. So, I urge all members of the judiciary, irrespective of positions, from the highest to the lowest, to work together in unison to boost public perception of the judiciary," he said.

Chaos and lawlessness would reign if the public had no faith in the judiciary, he said when presenting excellent service awards to staffers of the Federal Court.

Abdul Hamid said the judiciary was the last bastion for the civil society of a nation, regardless of their perception of other government institutions, but so long as they had confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the judiciary, there was still room for the people to fight for their rights.
Abdul Hamid was taken aback when informed that the judiciary had no allocation to buy law textbooks since 2004 even though it was allocated funds to buy law journals.

"But I'm happy that this year, we've received RM700,500 to buy law textbooks," he said.

The Chief Justice also congratulated members of the judiciary, including judges, who, despite not receiving excellent service awards, had continued with their good work.

Abdul Hamid also unveiled a five-point work ethic to be practised by members of the judiciary.

He said members of the judiciary must talk to each other whenever they meet, counter staff should not talk too much, must say thank you to the public for paying their dues at the counter, not waste public assets and cut down on ceremonies and focus instead on work. -- Bernama

AIBKAN ORANG DEMI POLITIK

Utusan Online

PENDANG 29 Feb. – Timbalan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak berkata, perbuatan mengaibkan orang tidak boleh diterima tetapi para pemimpin Pas menghalalkannya demi kepentingan politik mereka.

‘‘Ia bukan sesuatu yang boleh diterima. Mengaibkan orang tak patut dilakukan tapi maknanya dari segi politik, Pas menghalalkan segala-galanya,” kata Najib kepada pemberita selepas berucap pada majlis Perhimpunan Rakyat di Felda Sungai Tiang di sini hari ini.

Beliau mengulas laporan muka depan Utusan Malaysia hari ini mengenai Presiden Pas, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang yang mengeluarkan ‘fatwa’ terbarunya dalam kempen Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-12 dengan membenarkan semua calon parti itu yang bertanding mengumpat, membuat tuduhan serta mendedahkan keburukan lawan masing-masing.

Sementara itu, Najib memberitahu, kerajaan memperuntukkan RM1.3 juta untuk membina rumah-rumah kedai di bawah program Majlis Amanah Rakyat (Mara) di Felda Sungai Tiang bagi memberi kemudahan perniagaan kepada masyarakat di kawasan berkenaan.

Projek yang dinamakan Kedai Rakyat itu mengandungi sebuah bangunan dua tingkat dengan 12 buah kedai.

Selain itu, kata Timbalan Perdana Menteri berkata, kerajaan akan membina sebuah dewan serbaguna di kawasan Felda tersebut dan menyediakan sebuah kereta jenazah bernilai RM90,000.

Sebelum itu, dalam ucapannya, Najib berkata, hasrat untuk melihat masyarakat Felda mempunyai taraf hidup yang tinggi bukan lagi impian kosong.

‘‘Ia adalah realiti. Peneroka Felda kini mempunyai pendapatan hingga RM4,000 sebulan, rumah banglo, jalan tar dan memiliki kereta. Ini semua kejayaan Felda,” kata beliau





A

THE TIGERS THAT LOST THEIR ROAR

Feb 28th 2008 | BANGKOK AND KUALA LUMPUR
From The Economist print edition

Other emerging economies are producing world-class companies by the dozen. Why aren't the countries of South-East Asia?

Illustration by James Fryer

IT IS easy to forget, now that China and India are all the rage, that until ten years ago South-East Asia was the world's fastest-developing region, winning the sort of investor attention and breathless column inches that the two new giants now enjoy. The region has, slowly, recovered from the blight of 1997-98. It has recently had several years of strong growth (see chart 1) and its governments' finances have been greatly improved. Even so, after all this time the region's five main economies—Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand—are still notable for the near-absence of companies that could truly be called world-class.

The region has 570m people and had a head start in economic development over much of the rest of Asia. So why does it still have no global consumer brands of the stature of South Korea's Samsung and LG? Where are its rising technology leaders, like Taiwan's AU Optronics and Taiwan Semiconductor? Where are its equivalents of India's world-conquering Tata Steel, Ranbaxy and Wipro? Or China's market-devouring Huawei and Lenovo? Ask an investor in London or New York to name globally respected South-East Asian firms and the answer is unlikely to consist of much more than Singapore Airlines.

In a recent book, “Asian Godfathers”, Joe Studwell, a journalist, examines this failure in stark terms. The region's business scene, he says, remains dominated by old-fashioned, mediocre, sprawling conglomerates, run at the whims of ageing patriarchal owners. These firms' core competence, such as it is, is exploiting their cosy connections with governing elites. Their profits come from rent-seeking: being handed generous state contracts and concessions, or using their sway with officialdom to keep potential competitors out. If they need technology, they buy it from abroad. As a result, Mr Studwell says, the region has “no indigenous, large-scale companies producing world-class products and services.”

Similar things were once said of much of the rest of Asia—and sometimes still are. But somehow other countries' top businesses, even in India, the home of the licence Raj, have escaped this mediocrity trap. Whereas the export-led growth of South Korea and Taiwan comes mainly from indigenous firms making globally competitive goods with their own technology, much of South-East Asia's high-value exports are made by foreign companies. Thailand has built a successful motor industry by attracting multinationals. But it will constantly suffer the risk that these will move to somewhere like China, with lower costs and a bigger home market.

Look under the bonnet of what seems to be a well managed, local industrial firm in South-East Asia, such as Astra, an Indonesian carmaker, and you find that it is assembling Japanese cars under licence and is controlled by a Hong Kong group. Not many have got far beyond serving the home market. A recent study by the Boston Consulting Group (BCG) of the 100 largest multinationals from emerging economies (a category that excludes Singapore) contained only five from the whole region. By contrast there were 13 just from Brazil, which has only a third of South-East Asia's population and which until about a decade ago had no genuinely global firms to speak of (see chart 2).

Class distinctions

To be counted as world-class, a firm needs to be more than just well run and large. It should have a globally valued brand, or its own leading-edge technology, or a genuinely innovative and admired business method. These are demanding standards: even some of those in BCG's top 100 are really just plain big. In South-East Asia few companies meet them. Some come close, especially in Singapore, the region's most advanced country. Singapore Airlines is the world's fourth-largest international carrier and is perhaps the region's best-known brand around the world. Keppel and SembCorp, the world's two largest makers of offshore oil drilling-rigs, dominate their industry.

However, some of Singapore's tech stars are showing signs of fading, worries Garry Evans, an equity strategist at HSBC. Chartered Semiconductor and Creative, for example, are slipping behind rivals in places like Taiwan, which now has “a critical mass in technology and a very entrepreneurial culture,” he says.

In banking, the region has some impressive contenders, like Singapore's OCBC and Malaysia's Public Bank, which are expanding beyond their borders. But now these must contend with China's huge and increasingly muscle-flexing banks as well as Western ones with deep roots in the region, such as HSBC and Standard Chartered. As in other types of business, the region's local champions lack scale in a world where critical mass seems to matter ever more.

Admittedly, the region has some natural handicaps. The ten members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have a huge variety of languages, religions, political systems and histories. Even the most populous member, Indonesia, with 230m people, is itself enormously diverse, being made up of 17,000 islands and a rainbow assortment of cultural and religious traditions. By comparison, Brazilians may dance the forró in the north and the samba in the south, but theirs is a pretty homogeneous and monolingual country of 190m, all on one land mass.

That said, ASEAN's leaders could do much more to keep their lofty promises of European-style economic integration, to give local companies a sizeable home market from which to build world-beating businesses. Their failure to construct a genuine single market is shown up by the fact that ASEAN's members still do three times as much trade with non-members as they do among themselves. Internal tariffs have been cut, but as McKinsey, a management consultancy, noted in a report in 2004, product standards and other non-tariff barriers often differ among ASEAN countries, forcing manufacturers to make small production runs for each country.

All this lowers the competitiveness of local firms, as well as multinational companies operating in the region. Corruption is another great burden on business. That is true elsewhere in Asia too, but several South-East Asian countries—notably Indonesia—are afflicted by corrupt and unreliable judicial systems, making it difficult to enforce contracts.

Dicing with relegation

Although it is hard to generalise across Asia, another obstacle to developing world-class businesses is that the five main South-East Asian economies do worse than might be expected—that is, relative to their national incomes—in promoting technology and higher education. Tony Fernandes, the boss of AirAsia, a fast-expanding Malaysian airline and a contender for the “world-class” label, laments how South Korea, where the government has pumped money into research and training, has left his country trailing in so many ways. “We used to beat them at football—not now,” he groans.

Malaysia has also spent heavily on universities and the promotion of technology but its efforts have been stymied by the country's messy racial politics (including preferential university places for the Malay majority) and by the handing of state contracts and concessions to undeserving government cronies. Both the lack of fair competition between businesses and the failure to widen access to education may have a common underlying cause: that South-East Asian countries remain in the grip of narrow elites.

The problem betrays itself not just in the region's relative lack of memorable business names but in its basic economic statistics—in particular, labour productivity, the key to long-term growth. Productivity in China and India is growing much faster than South-East Asia's is. East Asia overtook the region in output per worker by 2000 and has continued to power ahead. Now South Asia is closing the gap (see chart 3). Not even hosting the factories of so many sophisticated multinationals seems to have made much difference to South-East Asia. With all those Indian and Chinese pairs of hands joining the global workforce, the region has no option but to seek to move beyond simply offering low wage costs and produce better-educated workers and more innovation.

It is not all the fault of governments. The region's unwieldy conglomerates could do more to help themselves achieve global scale by concentrating on fewer businesses. Some are doing so, but others still seem unable to resist poking their fingers into another pie. The food-and-drink arm of Charoen Pokphand, a Thai conglomerate, is in BCG's top 100; but the group is an unspectacular contender in industries from telecoms to convenience stores and is now moving into carmaking. San Miguel of the Philippines, a big beer-to-food conglomerate, recently talked of trying its hand at generating electricity. Synergy Drive, the absurdly named merger of three underperforming plantation firms controlled by the Malaysian government, is taking a stake in the giant Bakun hydro-dam in Borneo.

This dilettantism was once summed up damningly by Michael Porter, of Harvard Business School: “These companies don't have strategies, they do deals.” Gerry Ambrose in the Kuala Lumpur office of Aberdeen Asset Management laments that it is indeed hard to find Malaysian companies with “a business plan that will last ten years”. Many firms have improved their profitability since the 1997-98 crisis but that may not guarantee their long-term survival. Because even the best-run firms often have boards and shareholder lists dominated by the founding family and their friends, it is hard to believe that their thinking will change.

Of the “godfatherish” firms profiled in Mr Studwell's book, one that analysts say is among the best performers is YTL, a Malaysian conglomerate. Big in construction, the firm also owns a British water firm, Wessex Water, operates hotels and upmarket shopping malls, runs a high-speed rail link from central Kuala Lumpur to the city's airport and owns a chain of power stations. Its founder, Yeoh Tiong Lay, built a giant construction business with state contracts in the country's early post-independence period. In the 1990s, when his friend Mahathir Mohamad was prime minister, the firm got concessions to generate electricity using subsidised gas from the state oil firm, which the state electricity firm was obliged to buy.

Nice work if you can get it. But the founder's son, Francis Yeoh, who now runs the firm, insists that it has not just rested on its laurels. It has delivered, he argues, “a 55% annual compound growth in profits” since the mid-1980s and it now earns 70% of its revenues outside Malaysia. On February 22nd it declared a profit for the six months to December 31st of 688m ringgit ($202m), 24% more than a year before. The firm does have a core competence, says Mr Yeoh, which is to build and maintain infrastructure assets of first-world quality at third-world prices. Even the group's hotels and shopping malls should be seen as “unregulated infrastructure”, he argues, stretching the point somewhat.

As Asia continues to grow vertiginously, it will need a lot more infrastructure, regulated or not, and YTL, says Mr Yeoh, has shown it can provide it. In particular, he foresees juicy contracts from applying Wessex Water's skills at cleaning up rivers to the continent's murky waterways. This indeed sounds like a promising growth business. But there will be others—not least some sizeable Chinese water-treatment firms—which will be after those same contracts. So far Wessex Water is making decent profits in western England, but its potential to become a global leader is untested.

Hitherto, Malaysian companies have had a remarkable record of picking duds when they buy foreign firms. Laura Ashley, a fashion designer; Costain, a builder; Lec, a fridgemaker; and Agusta, a motorbike-maker: all were bought by Malaysian firms with less than glorious outcomes. Even so, if they continue to improve, YTL and the region's other conglomerates may yet break the mould. Other Asian world-beaters also began as divisions of sprawling, family-run groups but eventually escaped their orbit sufficiently to thrive. An executive at India's globally expanding Tata Steel, for instance, says that Tata Sons, from which it sprang, maintains its minority stake in the firm but these days leaves it to be run by professional managers.

Another hopeful sign for South-East Asia's corporate future is that it seems to be getting easier for those outside the closed circle of the politically well-connected to set up new businesses and challenge the incumbents. Mr Fernandes's AirAsia is the prime example. Started only six years ago, the airline now criss-crosses the region with a huge network of low-cost flights. Mr Fernandes, a former music-industry man, is still frantically adding routes: he expects to be allowed to start domestic flights in the Philippines and Vietnam soon. He has started a separate, low-cost, long-haul airline, AirAsiaX, which is flying from Kuala Lumpur to Gold Coast airport in Australia and Hangzhou near Shanghai. Flights to Melbourne, Amritsar and eventually London are on the way.

Though ASEAN has been slow to lower its barriers in some areas, in aviation they are coming down. Singapore and Malaysian Airlines' duopoly on the Kuala Lumpur-Singapore route has just been scrapped and, says Mr Fernandes, incumbent firms across the region are finding that their home governments are no longer protecting them. It could be said that, by linking the region's cities with cheap and frequent flights, Mr Fernandes has done more to turn South-East Asia into an integrated economic block than any ASEAN ministerial summit. In other once-coddled industries, too, governments are starting to dismantle monopolies. YTL's Mr Yeoh says there will soon be “no hiding place” for firms trying to live from old-fashioned rent-seeking.

The rise of China and India, with their huge home markets, may mean that it is too late for South-East Asia to become big in manufacturing. But it does still have the prospect of producing world-leading firms in other areas where it has an edge. Tourism and hospitality are obvious examples, especially as the region's neighbours become richer. South-East Asia could become both “the Mediterranean and the Caribbean of Asia”, enthuses YTL's Mr Yeoh.

Playing to your strengths

Apart from YTL, well regarded companies that could use tourism growth as a springboard to global greatness include hotel groups such as Singapore's Banyan Tree, casino operators like Malaysia's Genting and even hospital firms like Thailand's Bumrungrad, a growing competitor in “medical tourism”. However, as HSBC's Mr Evans points out, such firms have yet to demonstrate that they can transfer their vaunted “service mentality” to other parts of the world that do not have an abundance of cheap labour.

Natural resources are another promising source of future world-beaters. Following Brazil and, closer to home, Australia, South-East Asia is beginning to build global businesses by making the most of what nature has provided. Palm oil, of which most of the world's supply comes from Malaysia and Indonesia, is one example. Some plantation firms are simply hitching a ride on the boom in prices but IOI, a Malaysian plantation owner, is about 50% more efficient in terms of yield per hectare than its local rivals. If the government could push Synergy Drive, its new behemoth, to the same level of productivity, it would boost the economy.

The region already dominates some types of agricultural produce: Thailand and Vietnam are the world's two largest rice exporters, for example. Since the region has so much coastline and so many rivers, there is much scope for expanding fish-farming and seafood production. Thai Union, a giant tuna-packer, is already in BCG's top 100. Vietnam, the region's rising star, has several big seafood firms which, if they can resist the regionwide scourge of diversification, may one day reach similar heights. But to make the most of its fertile land and waters, the region needs more sophisticated food-processing industries and stronger brands, instead of exporting bulk commodities.

The reasons why South-East Asia has been slower than other regions to produce world-class businesses are complex and open to debate. But they do seem to be linked to the perseverance of narrow elites and to the countries' sluggishness in overcoming old rivalries and building an integrated regional market. As a handful of promising companies are showing, not all is lost. Even in today's fierce jungle, South-East Asia can still breed tigers.