| Abdul Aziz Mustafa - HARAKAHDAILY |
| KUALA LUMPUR, 28 Nov: Mursyidul Am, Tuan Guru Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat tidak sepatutnya ditekan untuk menamakan penggantinya dan semua kenyataan pemimpin PAS mengenai perkara itu mesti dihentikan, kata Naib Presiden PAS Datuk Mahfuz Omar. "Jangan paksa Tuan Guru mencadangkan penggantinya. Beliau tentu mempunyai perkiraan, perhitungan dan kebijaksanaan sendiri untuk memilih masa yang sesuai untuk mencadangkan siapa penggantinya," kata beliau. Mahfuz menyifatkan tindakan berbalas-balas kenyataan mengenai perkara itu secara terbuka di dalam media memberi tekanan kepada Tuan Guru menamakan penggantinya sebagai Menteri Besar Kelantan. Walaupun tindakan menyuarakan pandangan mengenai perkara itu adalah hak demokratik masing-masing, kata beliau, tetapi berbalas-balas kenyataan sesama sendiri mengenai perkara itu secara terbuka di dalam media boleh mengakibatkan implikasi yang lain. "Lebih dari itu, semua pihak jangan membelakangi tertib organisasi di dalam PAS. "Dari segi peraturan berorganisasi di dalam PAS, Tuan Guru atas sifatnya sebagai Pesuruhjaya PAS Kelantan boleh mencadangkan nama penggantinya kepada dan di dalam mesyuarat Jawatankuasa PAS Pusat untuk dipertimbangkan. "Begitu juga, ahli-ahli mesyuarat yang lain di dalam mesyuarat Jawatankuasa PAS Pusat juga boleh mengemukakan cadangan untuk dipertimbangkan. "Tetapi, dari segi kaedah berjemaah di dalam PAS, keputusan mengenai perkara itu hanya boleh dibuat di dalam dan dengan persetujuan mesyuarat Ahli Jawatankuasa PAS Pusat sebagai badan eksekutif yang dipilih oleh muktamar," katanya. Bagaimanapun, kata Mahfuz, pandangan dan hasrat Tuan Guru sebagai pemegang jawatan itu kini dan lebih dari itu sebagai Mursyidul Am biasanya diberi keutamaan untuk dipertimbangkan oleh mesyuarat tersebut. Mahfuz juga menjelaskan, setiap kali PAS mendapat kerusi majoriti di mana-mana negeri selepas pilihan raya, nama orang yang mendapat kepercayaan parti untuk menjadi Menteri Besar di kemukakan oleh Presiden PAS kepada Sultan negeri yang berkenaan. "Presiden PAS pula mengemukakan nama tersebut kepada Sultan yang berkenaan setelah dipersetujui oleh mesyuarat Jawatankuasa PAS Pusat,"kata Ahli Parlimen Pokok Sena itu. Mahfuz meminta semua pihak agar memberikan kepercayaan kepada Tuan Guru untuk memilih masa yang sesuai bagi mencadangkan penggantinya sebagai Menteri Besar Kelantan dan juga kepada mesyuarat Ahli Jawatankuasa PAS Pusat untuk mempertimbangkan cadangan beliau dan membuat keputusan mengenainya. "Saya yakin semuanya akan berjalan dengan lancar mengikut tertib berjemaah dan berorganisasi di dalam PAS," kata Ahli Parlimen Pokok Sena itu. |
29 November 2009
Pengganti Tok Guru: Hentikan berbalas kenyataan Dalam Media
26 November 2009
As You Sow, So Will You Reap
Singapore used to be a Chinese educational bastion for Southeast Asia with the most comprehensive Chinese-language educational system. But the deviation of its educational policy had changed everything in just two to three decades. Nanyang University, a leading Chinese university in Southeast Asia for 25 years, became part of the history in 1980. As nearly 100% of students were enrolled in English stream primary schools, English became the first language for all primary and secondary schools in Singapore. Since then, Chinese education had basically disappeared from Singapore, leaving only Chinese language teaching.
Under such a circumstances, the Chinese language standard of the new generation of Chinese Singaporeans is low, it is not surprising even to hear some of them saying: “I hate Chinese.”
However, the Singapore government has carried out many reforms in Chinese language teaching over the past 40 years. A Chinese speaking campaign has also been carried out with the hope to change the habit of speaking dialects in Chinese families and make Chinese a common language for them.
However, just as Singaporean scholar Lee Guan Kin said: “The closures of Chinese primary and secondary schools, as well as the Nanyang University, together with the deviations of the bilingual educational system had rapidly deteriorated the soil quality of Chinese language and culture in Singapore, causing a significant cultural gap phenomenon.”
Therefore, a few decades after the Chinese speaking campaign was launched, even though the country is now having fewer Chinese Singaporeans who speak dialects, Chinese is still unable to replace dialects as the communication language in Chinese families. Instead, there is a rapid increase in the number of Chinese students speaking English at home. The latest data shows that the number of students who speak English at home has increased to the current 60% from 10% in 1980.
What are the far-reaching impact when Chinese families are no longer the mainstream? An editorial from Zaobao said that Singapore may someday become a single English society.
Singapore's Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew is aware of the seriousness of the crisis, he said that they should start from the actual situation of the students, including to teach Chinese in English and having more creative Chinese teaching methods to enhance student's interest in Chinese language.
Standing on the opposite shore, we are watching the decline of Chinese education in Singapore. We always think that the fundamental factor that causes the problem is the status of Chinese language in the country. Although the rapid rise of China has made the Singapore government to encourage its people to learn Chinese and improve their Chinese teaching methods, it is worth pondering whether it is correct to learn Chinese based on the motive of economic interests instead of emphasising the language's cultural value and meaning.
The Singapore government had neglected Chinese while the Malaysia government had neglected English over the past few decades and clearly, they had paid a heavy price for their educational policies. This is what we called “it is easy to damage but it is hard to build” and “as you sow, so will you reap”! (By LIM MUN FAH/Translated by SOONG PHUI JEE/Sin Chew Daily)
Under such a circumstances, the Chinese language standard of the new generation of Chinese Singaporeans is low, it is not surprising even to hear some of them saying: “I hate Chinese.”
However, the Singapore government has carried out many reforms in Chinese language teaching over the past 40 years. A Chinese speaking campaign has also been carried out with the hope to change the habit of speaking dialects in Chinese families and make Chinese a common language for them.
| "Standing on the opposite shore, we are watching the decline of Chinese education in Singapore." |
Therefore, a few decades after the Chinese speaking campaign was launched, even though the country is now having fewer Chinese Singaporeans who speak dialects, Chinese is still unable to replace dialects as the communication language in Chinese families. Instead, there is a rapid increase in the number of Chinese students speaking English at home. The latest data shows that the number of students who speak English at home has increased to the current 60% from 10% in 1980.
What are the far-reaching impact when Chinese families are no longer the mainstream? An editorial from Zaobao said that Singapore may someday become a single English society.
Singapore's Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew is aware of the seriousness of the crisis, he said that they should start from the actual situation of the students, including to teach Chinese in English and having more creative Chinese teaching methods to enhance student's interest in Chinese language.
Standing on the opposite shore, we are watching the decline of Chinese education in Singapore. We always think that the fundamental factor that causes the problem is the status of Chinese language in the country. Although the rapid rise of China has made the Singapore government to encourage its people to learn Chinese and improve their Chinese teaching methods, it is worth pondering whether it is correct to learn Chinese based on the motive of economic interests instead of emphasising the language's cultural value and meaning.
The Singapore government had neglected Chinese while the Malaysia government had neglected English over the past few decades and clearly, they had paid a heavy price for their educational policies. This is what we called “it is easy to damage but it is hard to build” and “as you sow, so will you reap”! (By LIM MUN FAH/Translated by SOONG PHUI JEE/Sin Chew Daily)
Mukhriz's Marshall Dream
Dark cloud looms over the sky of Kota Siputeh in Kedah. An election war is imminent.
On the one side, UMNO vows to keep its fortress intact, and consolidate its position to recapture the state.
On the other side, PAS is all set to take the enemy's bridgehead, and keep its prize safely in hand.
Both sides are rubbing their fists, ready to wage an all-out war against the other.
The UMNO camp has the advantages of unbeatable ammunition, supplies and manpower as well as superfluous confidence, but is unfortunately plagued by the presence of a multitude of minor warlords who have been fighting one another for so long without a competent general to lead the pack.
Mohd Shafie Apdal, the vice general of the UMNO camp, indeed has done an excellent job retaining Sabah and gets rewarded with the mandate to lead the troops in Kedah. But he does not seem to fit in so well in the state, and has problems giving out his commands.
The warlords in the state are going on their businesses separately, each having his own plans while trying to bog down on the rest of the pack.
The chief has run out of ideas, and does not have the least clue as to whom he should send to the battleground.
A lesser admiral comes out of the blue, yelling, "With the situation getting intensely critical, who else should you send if not me? Please let me go to the war front so that I can slay the enemy for the party!"
At a closer look, the lesser admiral is none other than Mukhriz himself. A member of the notable Mahathir clan, this young admiral is eyeing to parallel his father's achievements with the ambitious hope of subjugating the entire nation one day.
That said, in the battle for the Youth chair, he lost to another powerful admiral Khairy Jamaluddin.
But given his pre-eminent birth and his father's lofty status, the party has nonetheless offered him a deputy ministerial post in spite of his defeat.
That offering has not allowed him to play a more significant role, as he has a superior that makes all the key decisions while his subordinates are few and distanced. This, coupled with the absence of a party post, has slowly shut him out of the mainstream and obscured his future outlook.
The by-election in Kota Siputeh indeed provides a much awaited opportunity for him.
Even if he gets elected, he is nothing more than just a state assemblyman without much administrative authority. And to trade his deputy ministerial post for the new position is proven to be a sacrifice too large to make.
Looking from another perspective, his potentials are restricted in the central government, and to get promoted to a full-fledged minister remains a distant wish. Moreover, to get tied down to the central government may set him apart from the grassroots and quash his effort of flexing his muscles in his very own home ground.
If he turns to his home state of Kedah, he has all it takes to maximise his influences. Once the war in Kota Siputeh is won, he can look forward to a more sustainable operation despite the lowly prize he will bag.
Although Kedah has a fair share of warlords, it lacks a discernible general. This is where the young admiral can put his potentials into play.
As if that is not enough, if BN recaptures Kedah some day, with not many rivals of comparable strength around him, Mukhriz can very safely claim the state administrative helm.
Why not? Take a look at the current BN chief marshal Najib. He started with a minor post in the central government before returning to his home state and establishing his career just to pave the way for his ascension up the corporate ladder in the central government later.
Mukhriz has got his plan formulated, and is all the more eager to put it into implementation.
Deputy marshal Muhyiddin has seen through Mukhriz's desire. He has his own set of plans and has turned down Mukhriz's offer.
A bucket of cold water gets poured onto the head of Mukhriz, splattering all his fantasies of ascending to the throne. (By TAY TIAN YAN/Translated by DOMINIC LOH/Sin Chew Daily)
On the one side, UMNO vows to keep its fortress intact, and consolidate its position to recapture the state.
On the other side, PAS is all set to take the enemy's bridgehead, and keep its prize safely in hand.
Both sides are rubbing their fists, ready to wage an all-out war against the other.
The UMNO camp has the advantages of unbeatable ammunition, supplies and manpower as well as superfluous confidence, but is unfortunately plagued by the presence of a multitude of minor warlords who have been fighting one another for so long without a competent general to lead the pack.
Mohd Shafie Apdal, the vice general of the UMNO camp, indeed has done an excellent job retaining Sabah and gets rewarded with the mandate to lead the troops in Kedah. But he does not seem to fit in so well in the state, and has problems giving out his commands.
The warlords in the state are going on their businesses separately, each having his own plans while trying to bog down on the rest of the pack.
The chief has run out of ideas, and does not have the least clue as to whom he should send to the battleground.
A lesser admiral comes out of the blue, yelling, "With the situation getting intensely critical, who else should you send if not me? Please let me go to the war front so that I can slay the enemy for the party!"
At a closer look, the lesser admiral is none other than Mukhriz himself. A member of the notable Mahathir clan, this young admiral is eyeing to parallel his father's achievements with the ambitious hope of subjugating the entire nation one day.
That said, in the battle for the Youth chair, he lost to another powerful admiral Khairy Jamaluddin.
But given his pre-eminent birth and his father's lofty status, the party has nonetheless offered him a deputy ministerial post in spite of his defeat.
That offering has not allowed him to play a more significant role, as he has a superior that makes all the key decisions while his subordinates are few and distanced. This, coupled with the absence of a party post, has slowly shut him out of the mainstream and obscured his future outlook.
The by-election in Kota Siputeh indeed provides a much awaited opportunity for him.
Even if he gets elected, he is nothing more than just a state assemblyman without much administrative authority. And to trade his deputy ministerial post for the new position is proven to be a sacrifice too large to make.
Looking from another perspective, his potentials are restricted in the central government, and to get promoted to a full-fledged minister remains a distant wish. Moreover, to get tied down to the central government may set him apart from the grassroots and quash his effort of flexing his muscles in his very own home ground.
If he turns to his home state of Kedah, he has all it takes to maximise his influences. Once the war in Kota Siputeh is won, he can look forward to a more sustainable operation despite the lowly prize he will bag.
Although Kedah has a fair share of warlords, it lacks a discernible general. This is where the young admiral can put his potentials into play.
As if that is not enough, if BN recaptures Kedah some day, with not many rivals of comparable strength around him, Mukhriz can very safely claim the state administrative helm.
Why not? Take a look at the current BN chief marshal Najib. He started with a minor post in the central government before returning to his home state and establishing his career just to pave the way for his ascension up the corporate ladder in the central government later.
Mukhriz has got his plan formulated, and is all the more eager to put it into implementation.
Deputy marshal Muhyiddin has seen through Mukhriz's desire. He has his own set of plans and has turned down Mukhriz's offer.
A bucket of cold water gets poured onto the head of Mukhriz, splattering all his fantasies of ascending to the throne. (By TAY TIAN YAN/Translated by DOMINIC LOH/Sin Chew Daily)
20 November 2009
Barack Obama In Asia
The Pacific (and pussyfooting) president
America’s president shows an alarming lack of self-confidence. So does China’s
FOR some critics of Barack Obama, America’s dependence on China as the holder of some $800 billion of its government debt is to blame for what they see as a humiliating visit there this week. He preferred heaping praise on China’s achievements to hectoring its leaders about its shortcomings. Other critics went further and saw this emollient approach as in keeping with similar embarrassments elsewhere on his Asian tour. In Japan, he bowed deeply to Japan’s Emperor Akihito. In Singapore he attended a meeting with South-East Asian leaders including the prime minister of the repellent Burmese dictatorship.
Over Japan and Myanmar, the sniping was misplaced. Japan, an important ally, deserves present-day courtesy whatever its past crimes. Isolating Myanmar has benefited no one.
On China, too, Mr Obama is surely right to try to build a relationship whose premise is the need for co-operation and partnership rather than the inevitability of discord and rivalry. Rebalancing the global economy, stemming climate change and containing the nuclear ambitions of Iran and North Korea all require China-America teamwork and are in the interests of both countries and the rest of the world.
Mr Obama’s critics, however, are right that he could and should have spoken out more loudly for America’s principles and resisted more strongly the choreography of a visit designed to shield China’s people from his persuasive powers (see article). The president said that, although America does not seek to impose its system on other countries, it believes fundamental human freedoms are universal. Yet he refrained from more than implicit criticism of China for its refusal to respect these. And, although he urged his hosts to talk to the Dalai Lama, his refusal to meet the Tibetan spiritual leader before his trip lest it sour the atmosphere sent a dangerous signal: that America’s support for Tibetans’ rights and for human rights more generally is, as China’s leaders have always suspected, just a bargaining counter.
In China, Mr Obama’s handlers connived at a programme which saw his “town-hall meeting” in Shanghai open only to handpicked young Communists and his joint “press conference” with Hu Jintao, his Chinese counterpart, confined to statements from the leaders with no questions allowed. For observers in China, as in America, this conformity with Chinese norms seemed to confirm the relative shift of power between the two countries. It was in glaring contrast to the comparative free-for-all of the visit in 1998 by Bill Clinton, who took on President Jiang Zemin on live television.
Yet perhaps the most surprising aspect of this is not Mr Obama’s attempt to charm a potential adversary. That is what he does, from Iran to Myanmar. Rather it is China’s nervousness that is baffling. In 1998 Mr Clinton’s visit was still in the long shadow of the 1989 Tiananmen killings. Since then, China has emerged as a great global power. Its political system, it claims, has been vindicated, and it likes to talk to America as an equal, or indeed as creditor to debtor. Yet its leaders seem more petrified than ever of what might happen if its people were given unfettered access to the thoughts of an American president. This may partly reflect the paranoid style of Mr Hu. But it also reflects how much the system as a whole fears those freedoms Mr Obama should have defended more boldly.
Nov 19th 2009
From The Economist print edition
From The Economist print edition
America’s president shows an alarming lack of self-confidence. So does China’s
| |
 | |
FOR some critics of Barack Obama, America’s dependence on China as the holder of some $800 billion of its government debt is to blame for what they see as a humiliating visit there this week. He preferred heaping praise on China’s achievements to hectoring its leaders about its shortcomings. Other critics went further and saw this emollient approach as in keeping with similar embarrassments elsewhere on his Asian tour. In Japan, he bowed deeply to Japan’s Emperor Akihito. In Singapore he attended a meeting with South-East Asian leaders including the prime minister of the repellent Burmese dictatorship.
Over Japan and Myanmar, the sniping was misplaced. Japan, an important ally, deserves present-day courtesy whatever its past crimes. Isolating Myanmar has benefited no one.
On China, too, Mr Obama is surely right to try to build a relationship whose premise is the need for co-operation and partnership rather than the inevitability of discord and rivalry. Rebalancing the global economy, stemming climate change and containing the nuclear ambitions of Iran and North Korea all require China-America teamwork and are in the interests of both countries and the rest of the world.
Mr Obama’s critics, however, are right that he could and should have spoken out more loudly for America’s principles and resisted more strongly the choreography of a visit designed to shield China’s people from his persuasive powers (see article). The president said that, although America does not seek to impose its system on other countries, it believes fundamental human freedoms are universal. Yet he refrained from more than implicit criticism of China for its refusal to respect these. And, although he urged his hosts to talk to the Dalai Lama, his refusal to meet the Tibetan spiritual leader before his trip lest it sour the atmosphere sent a dangerous signal: that America’s support for Tibetans’ rights and for human rights more generally is, as China’s leaders have always suspected, just a bargaining counter.
In China, Mr Obama’s handlers connived at a programme which saw his “town-hall meeting” in Shanghai open only to handpicked young Communists and his joint “press conference” with Hu Jintao, his Chinese counterpart, confined to statements from the leaders with no questions allowed. For observers in China, as in America, this conformity with Chinese norms seemed to confirm the relative shift of power between the two countries. It was in glaring contrast to the comparative free-for-all of the visit in 1998 by Bill Clinton, who took on President Jiang Zemin on live television.
Yet perhaps the most surprising aspect of this is not Mr Obama’s attempt to charm a potential adversary. That is what he does, from Iran to Myanmar. Rather it is China’s nervousness that is baffling. In 1998 Mr Clinton’s visit was still in the long shadow of the 1989 Tiananmen killings. Since then, China has emerged as a great global power. Its political system, it claims, has been vindicated, and it likes to talk to America as an equal, or indeed as creditor to debtor. Yet its leaders seem more petrified than ever of what might happen if its people were given unfettered access to the thoughts of an American president. This may partly reflect the paranoid style of Mr Hu. But it also reflects how much the system as a whole fears those freedoms Mr Obama should have defended more boldly.
18 November 2009
China Holds Firm on Major Issues in Obama's Visit
Stephen Crowley/The New York Times
President Obama toured the historic Forbidden City in Beijing on Tuesday during a break from meetings with Chinese leaders.
Stephen Crowley/The New York Times
President Obama signed a guest book during his tour of the Forbidden City in Beijing on Tuesday. He has taken a conciliatory tone on his first visit to China.
On topics like Iran (Mr. Hu did not publicly discuss the possibility of sanctions), China’s currency (he made no nod toward changing its value) and human rights (a joint statement bluntly acknowledged that the two countries “have differences”), China held firm against most American demands.
With China’s micro-management of Mr. Obama’s appearances in the country, the trip did more to showcase China’s ability to push back against outside pressure than it did to advance the main issues on Mr. Obama’s agenda, analysts said.
“China effectively stage-managed President Obama’s public appearances, got him to make statements endorsing Chinese positions of political importance to them and effectively squelched discussions of contentious issues such as human rights and China’s currency policy,” said Eswar S. Prasad, a China specialist at Cornell University. “In a masterstroke, they shifted the public discussion from the global risks posed by Chinese currency policy to the dangers of loose monetary policy and protectionist tendencies in the U.S.”
White House officials maintained they got what they came for — the beginning of a needed give-and-take with a surging economic giant. With a civilization as ancient as China’s, they argued, it would be counterproductive — and reminiscent of President George W. Bush’s style — for Mr. Obama to confront Beijing with loud chest-beating that might alienate the Chinese. Mr. Obama, the officials insisted, had made his points during private meetings and one-on-one sessions.
“I do not expect, and I can speak authoritatively for the president on this, that we thought the waters would part and everything would change over the course of our almost two-and-a-half-day trip to China,” said Robert Gibbs, the White House spokesman. “We understand there’s a lot of work to do and that we’ll continue to work hard at making more progress.”
Several China experts noted that Mr. Obama was not leaving Beijing empty-handed. The two countries put out a five-point joint statement pledging to work together on a variety of issues. The statement calls for regular exchanges between Mr. Obama and Mr. Hu, and asks that each side pay more attention to the strategic concerns of the other. The statement also pledges that they will work as partners on economic issues, Iran and climate change.
But despite a conciliatory tone that began weeks ago when Mr. Obama declined to meet the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, before visiting China to avoid offending China’s leaders, it remains unclear whether Mr. Obama made progress on the most pressing policy matters on the American agenda in China or elsewhere in Asia.
The president has had to fend off criticism from American conservatives that he appeared to soften the American stance on the positioning of troops on the Japanese island of Okinawa, and for bowing to Japan’s emperor.
At a regional conference in Singapore, Mr. Obama announced a setback on another top foreign policy priority, climate change, acknowledging that comprehensive agreement to fight global warming was no longer within reach this year.
Past American presidents have usually insisted in advance on some concrete achievements from their trips overseas. President Bush received vigorous endorsements of his top foreign policy priority, the global war on terrorism, during his visits to Beijing, and President Bill Clinton guided China toward joining the World Trade Organization after prolonged negotiations. When either of those presidents visited the country, China often made a modest concession on human rights as well.
This time, Mr. Hu declined to follow the lead of President Dmitri A. Medvedev of Russia, who, after months of massaging by the Obama administration, now says that he is open to tougher sanctions against Iran if negotiations fail to curb Iran’s nuclear program. The administration needs China’s support if tougher sanctions are to be approved by the United Nations Security Council. But during the joint appearance in Beijing on Tuesday, Mr. Hu made no mention of sanctions.
Rather, he said, it was “very important” to “appropriately resolve the Iranian nuclear regime through dialogue and negotiations.” And then, as if to drive home that point, Mr. Hu added, “During the talks, I underlined to President Obama that given our differences in national conditions, it is only normal that our two sides may disagree on some issues.”
White House officials acknowledged that they did not get what they wanted from Mr. Hu on Iran but said that Mr. Obama’s method would yield more in the long term. “We’re not looking for them to lead or change course, we’re looking for them to not be obstructionist,” one administration official said.
In a meeting in Beijing with a senior Chinese official on Wednesday morning, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton again pressed China on Iran. She told the official, Dai Bingguo, that even if China had not decided what sanctions on Iran it would accept, “you need to send a signal,” said a senior American official, who spoke on condition of anonymity so he could describe the exchange.
Mr. Obama did not appear to move the Chinese on currency issues, either. China has come under heavy pressure, not only from the United States but also from Europe and several Asian countries, to revise its policy of keeping its currency, the renminbi, pegged at an artificially low value against the dollar to help promote its exports. Some economists say China must take that step to prevent the return of large trade and financial imbalances that may have contributed to the recent financial crisis.
Mr. Obama on Tuesday could only cite China’s “past statements” in support of shifting toward market-oriented exchange rates, implying that he had not extracted a fresh commitment from Beijing to move in that direction soon.
There are many reasons the White House may have heeded China’s clear desire for a visit free of the polemics that often accompany meetings between leaders of the two countries. Mr. Obama’s foreign policy is rooted in recasting the United States as a thoughtful listener to friends and rivals alike. “No we haven’t made China a democracy in three days — maybe if we pounded our chest a lot that would work,” Mr. Gibbs said in an e-mail message on Tuesday night. “But it hasn’t in the last 16 years.”
Kenneth Lieberthal, a Brookings Institution scholar who oversaw China issues in President Clinton’s White House, agreed. “The United States actually has enormous influence on popular thinking in China, but it is primarily by example,” he said. “If you go to the next step and say, ‘You guys ought to be like us,’ you lose the impact of who you are.”
The National Security Council’s spokesman, Michael A. Hammer, added, “What we did come to do is speak bluntly about the issues which are important to us, not in an unnecessarily offensive manner, but rather in the Obama style of showing respect.”
Mr. Obama, even as he projected a softer image, did nudge the Chinese on some delicate issues.
On Tuesday, standing next to Mr. Hu, Mr. Obama brought up Tibet, where Beijing-backed authorities have clamped down on religious freedom. “While we recognize that Tibet is part of the People’s Republic of China, the United States supports the early resumption of dialogue between the Chinese government and representatives of the Dalai Lama to resolve any concerns and differences that the two sides may have,” he said.
17 November 2009
Congratulations Mr Ambassador
My cousin Dato Paduka Yusof Abdul Hamid after presenting his credentials as Ambassador of Negara Brunei Darussalam to the President of the United States of America. In the photo above he is with President Barrack Obama.
Bukti Pemilikan Saham Dan Wang Azmin-isteri : Bekas Setiausaha Sulit Anwar "pecah lubang"
Jika selama ini ia hanya cakap-cakap, pagi Selasa bekas Setiausaha Sulit (SUS) Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim di Kementerian Kewangan (1996-1998), Anuar Shaari tampil mengemukakan salinan asal dokumen pemilikan saham dan penyata akaun bank Azmin Ali dan isterinya Shamsidar Tahrin.
Dengan dokumen itu, beliau kemudiannya membuat laporan polis kepada Bahagian Jenayah Perdagangan PDRM di Bukit Persekutuan, Kuala Lumpur.
Pada sidang media sebelum membuat laporan polis, Anuar berkata, dokumen yang mengandungi bukti pemilikan saham sebanyak RM2 juta milik Azmin dan Shamsidar serta penyata akaun bank Shamsidar sebanyak RM8 juta akan diserahkan kepada polis untuk menentukan kesahihan dokumen terseut dan seterusnya melakukan siasatan.
“Saya datang pada hari ini untuk mencari kebenaran bukannya hendak menghukum. Masyarakat hendak tahu kebenaran isu yang kini hangat diperkatakan termasuk para penyokong Anwar, Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah dan Azmin.
“Wan Azizah sendiri mesti hendak tahu kenapa Shamsidar boleh mempunyai saham dan wang sebanyak itu,” katanya.
Anuar tampil membuat laporan polis berkenaan ekoran isu pemilikan saham yang didakwa melibatkan Azmin dan Shamsidar heboh diperkatakan kebelakangan ini. Anwar dan Azmin sebelum ini telah tampil menafikan ada memiliki saham seperti yang didakwa.
Anuar selain pernah menjadi SUS bagi tempoh 1996 hingga 1998, juga pernah menjadi Setiausaha Politik kepada Presiden PKR, Wan Azizah dan Ketua Bahagian PKR Permatang Pauh sebelum keluar meninggalkan parti itu pada tahun 2007.
Menurut Anuar beliau membuat pendedahan ini kerana ia juga ada kaitan dengan Anwar memandangkan semasa perolehan saham dan wang tersebut yang berlaku pada tahun 1992 hingga 1994, Azmin bertugas sebagai Setiausaha Sulit Kanan kepada Anwar yang pada ketika itu Menteri Kewangan dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri.
“Saya minta kepada nama-nama yang disebut ini jangan panik kerana kita hendak mencari kebenaran. Jangan nanti timbul pula dakwaan wujudnya konspirasi atau saya dibayar untuk membuat pendedahan ini,” ujar beliau.
Mengenai pendedahan itu, Anuar berkata, jumlah yang dinyatakannya itu adalah selari dengan apa yang diperkatakan sekarang.
Ditanya kenapa setelah sekian lama baru pendedahan ini hendak dibuat, Anuar berkata, beliau hanya akan membuat penjelasan itu kepada pihak polis. – Agendadaily (17/11/2009)
Dengan dokumen itu, beliau kemudiannya membuat laporan polis kepada Bahagian Jenayah Perdagangan PDRM di Bukit Persekutuan, Kuala Lumpur.
Pada sidang media sebelum membuat laporan polis, Anuar berkata, dokumen yang mengandungi bukti pemilikan saham sebanyak RM2 juta milik Azmin dan Shamsidar serta penyata akaun bank Shamsidar sebanyak RM8 juta akan diserahkan kepada polis untuk menentukan kesahihan dokumen terseut dan seterusnya melakukan siasatan.
“Saya datang pada hari ini untuk mencari kebenaran bukannya hendak menghukum. Masyarakat hendak tahu kebenaran isu yang kini hangat diperkatakan termasuk para penyokong Anwar, Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah dan Azmin.
“Wan Azizah sendiri mesti hendak tahu kenapa Shamsidar boleh mempunyai saham dan wang sebanyak itu,” katanya.
Anuar tampil membuat laporan polis berkenaan ekoran isu pemilikan saham yang didakwa melibatkan Azmin dan Shamsidar heboh diperkatakan kebelakangan ini. Anwar dan Azmin sebelum ini telah tampil menafikan ada memiliki saham seperti yang didakwa.
Anuar selain pernah menjadi SUS bagi tempoh 1996 hingga 1998, juga pernah menjadi Setiausaha Politik kepada Presiden PKR, Wan Azizah dan Ketua Bahagian PKR Permatang Pauh sebelum keluar meninggalkan parti itu pada tahun 2007.
Menurut Anuar beliau membuat pendedahan ini kerana ia juga ada kaitan dengan Anwar memandangkan semasa perolehan saham dan wang tersebut yang berlaku pada tahun 1992 hingga 1994, Azmin bertugas sebagai Setiausaha Sulit Kanan kepada Anwar yang pada ketika itu Menteri Kewangan dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri.
“Saya minta kepada nama-nama yang disebut ini jangan panik kerana kita hendak mencari kebenaran. Jangan nanti timbul pula dakwaan wujudnya konspirasi atau saya dibayar untuk membuat pendedahan ini,” ujar beliau.
Mengenai pendedahan itu, Anuar berkata, jumlah yang dinyatakannya itu adalah selari dengan apa yang diperkatakan sekarang.
Ditanya kenapa setelah sekian lama baru pendedahan ini hendak dibuat, Anuar berkata, beliau hanya akan membuat penjelasan itu kepada pihak polis. – Agendadaily (17/11/2009)
2 November 2009
Sifat Kasih Sayang Dan Saling Menghormati Sesama Insan
Didalam kehidupan kita sehari-hari kita harus mempunyai sifat sayang menyayangi dan hormat menghormati sesama kita.
Sifat kasih sayang ini termasuklah menghormati sesama insan. Kita hormati orang-orang yang lebih tua dari kita. Kita muliakan orang yang berilmu dan kita hendaklah menyayangi kanak-kanak.
Segala keperluan sahabat dan rakan, kita cuba penuhi yang termampu oleh kita. Apa-apa pertolongan yang mereka minta yang munasabah dan terdaya kita cubalah beri bantuan.
Kalau ada saudara-mara atau rakan taulan yang sakit kita hendaklah cepat-cepat menziarahi mereka. Bawalah hadiah atau buah tangan untuk diberikan supaya mereka merasa terhibur denganan kedatangan kita menziarahi mereka yang tidak sihat itu.
Adalah dikatakan bahawa rahmat Allah akan turun kepada orang-orang yang menziarahi orang sakit.
Begitu juga jika kita bersama-sama menjaga orang yang sakit itu, rahmat Allah akan menyelubungi kehidupan kita. Alangkah bertuahnya orang yang bersifat kasih sayang yang diselubongi oleh rahmat Allah seperti ini.
Jiwa kita akan tenang. Tidak ada kerisauan. Kerisauan inilah punca 'stress' dan tekanan kehidupan dunia moden ini.
Stress adalah punca banyak penyakit seperti penyakit jantung, angin akmar dan barah.
Bila seseorang itu mengasihi dan senantiasa memaafkan kesilapan saudara mara dan rakan taulannya tentulah hidupnya akan jadi tenang dan tiada apa-apa yang menggangu fikirannya.
Ia bersangka baik kepada semua orang. Ia merasa dia yang bersalah bukan orang lain. Ia merasa dialah yang penuh kekurangan bukan orang lain. Orang lain semuanya baik-baik dan sempurna. Dia yang perlu memperbaiki akhlaknya yang masih serba kekurangan.
Dia banyak diam dari bercakap. Dia senantiasa cuba mengislah dirinya. Memperbetulkan dirinya.
Sifat kasih sayang ini termasuklah menghormati sesama insan. Kita hormati orang-orang yang lebih tua dari kita. Kita muliakan orang yang berilmu dan kita hendaklah menyayangi kanak-kanak.
Segala keperluan sahabat dan rakan, kita cuba penuhi yang termampu oleh kita. Apa-apa pertolongan yang mereka minta yang munasabah dan terdaya kita cubalah beri bantuan.
Kalau ada saudara-mara atau rakan taulan yang sakit kita hendaklah cepat-cepat menziarahi mereka. Bawalah hadiah atau buah tangan untuk diberikan supaya mereka merasa terhibur denganan kedatangan kita menziarahi mereka yang tidak sihat itu.
Adalah dikatakan bahawa rahmat Allah akan turun kepada orang-orang yang menziarahi orang sakit.
Begitu juga jika kita bersama-sama menjaga orang yang sakit itu, rahmat Allah akan menyelubungi kehidupan kita. Alangkah bertuahnya orang yang bersifat kasih sayang yang diselubongi oleh rahmat Allah seperti ini.
Jiwa kita akan tenang. Tidak ada kerisauan. Kerisauan inilah punca 'stress' dan tekanan kehidupan dunia moden ini.
Stress adalah punca banyak penyakit seperti penyakit jantung, angin akmar dan barah.
Bila seseorang itu mengasihi dan senantiasa memaafkan kesilapan saudara mara dan rakan taulannya tentulah hidupnya akan jadi tenang dan tiada apa-apa yang menggangu fikirannya.
Ia bersangka baik kepada semua orang. Ia merasa dia yang bersalah bukan orang lain. Ia merasa dialah yang penuh kekurangan bukan orang lain. Orang lain semuanya baik-baik dan sempurna. Dia yang perlu memperbaiki akhlaknya yang masih serba kekurangan.
Dia banyak diam dari bercakap. Dia senantiasa cuba mengislah dirinya. Memperbetulkan dirinya.
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